The
Iron Mask
The Common Sources of Personality Disorders
The Cultural Narcissist - Lasch in an Age of Diminishing
Expectations
A Reaction to Roger Kimball's
"Christopher Lasch vs. the elites"
"New Criterion", Vol. 13, p.9 (04-01-1995)
By: Sam Vaknin
"The new narcissist is haunted not by guilt but by anxiety.
He seeks not
to inflict his own certainties on others but to find a meaning
in life.
Liberated from the superstitions of the past, he doubts even the
reality
of his own existence. Superficially relaxed and tolerant, he
finds
little use for dogmas of racial and ethnic purity but at the
same time
forfeits the security of group loyalties and regards everyone as
a rival
for the favors conferred by a paternalistic state. His sexual
attitudes
are permissive rather than puritanical, even though his
emancipation
from ancient taboos brings him no sexual peace. Fiercely
competitive in
his demand for approval and acclaim, he distrusts competition
because he
associates it unconsciously with an unbridled urge to destroy.
Hence he
repudiates the competitive ideologies that flourished at an
earlier
stage of capitalist development and distrusts even their limited
expression in sports and games. He extols cooperation and
teamwork while
harboring deeply antisocial impulses. He praises respect for
rules and
regulations in the secret belief that they do not apply to
himself.
Acquisitive in the sense that his cravings have no limits, he
does not
accumulate goods and provisions against the future, in the
manner of the
acquisitive individualist of nineteenth-century political
economy, but
demands immediate gratification and lives in a state of
restless,
perpetually unsatisfied desire."
(Christopher Lasch - The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in
an age
of Diminishing Expectations, 1979)
"A characteristic of our times is the predominance, even in
groups
traditionally selective, of the mass and the vulgar. Thus, in
intellectual life, which of its essence requires and presupposes
qualification, one can note the progressive triumph of the
pseudo-intellectual, unqualified, unqualifiable..."
(Jose Ortega y Gasset - The Revolt of the Masses, 1932)
Can Science be passionate? This question seems to sum up the
life of
Christopher Lasch, erstwhile a historian of culture later
transmogrified
into an ersatz prophet of doom and consolation, a latter day
Jeremiah.
Judging by his (prolific and eloquent) output, the answer is a
resounding no.
There is no single Lasch. This chronicler of culture, did so
mainly by
chronicling his inner turmoil, conflicting ideas and ideologies,
emotional upheavals, and intellectual vicissitudes. In this
sense, of
(courageous) self-documentation, Mr. Lasch epitomized
Narcissism, was
the quintessential Narcissist, the better positioned to
criticize the
phenomenon.
Some "scientific" disciplines (e.g., the history of
culture and History
in general) are closer to art than to the rigorous (a.k.a.
"exact" or
"natural" or "physical" sciences). Lasch
borrowed heavily from other,
more established branches of knowledge without paying tribute to
the
original, strict meaning of concepts and terms. Such was the use
that he
made of "Narcissism".
"Narcissism" is a relatively well-defined
psychological term. I expound
upon it elsewhere ("Malignant self Love - Narcissism
Re-Visited"). The
Narcissistic Personality Disorder - the acute form of
pathological
Narcissism - is the name given to a group of 9 symptoms (see:
DSM-4).
They include: a grandiose Self (illusions of grandeur coupled
with an
inflated, unrealistic sense of the Self), inability to empathize
with
the Other, the tendency to exploit and manipulate others,
idealization
of other people (in cycles of idealization and devaluation),
rage
attacks and so on. Narcissism, therefore, has a clear clinical
definition, etiology and prognosis.
The use that Lasch makes of this word has nothing to do with its
usage
in psychopathology. True, Lasch did his best to sound
"medicinal". He
spoke of "(national) malaise" and accused the American
society of lack
of self-awareness. But choice of words does not a coherence
make.
ANALYTIC SUMMARY OF KIMBALL
Lasch was a member, by conviction, of an imaginary "Pure
Left". This
turned out to be a code for an odd mixture of Marxism, religious
fundamentalism, populism, Freudian analysis, conservatism and
any
other -ism that Lasch happened to come across. Intellectual
consistency
was not Lasch's strong point, but this is excusable, even
commendable in
the search for Truth. What is not excusable is the passion and
conviction with which Lasch imbued the advocacy of each of these
consecutive and mutually exclusive ideas.
"The Culture of Narcissism - American Life in an Age of
Diminishing
Expectations" was published in the last year of the unhappy
presidency
of Jimmy Carter (1979). The latter endorsed the book publicly
(in his
famous "national malaise" speech).
The main thesis of the book is that the Americans have created a
self-absorbed (though not self aware), greedy and frivolous
society
which depended on consumerism, demographic studies, opinion
polls and
Government to know and to define itself. What is the solution?
Lasch proposed a "return to basics": self-reliance,
the family, nature,
the community, and the Protestant work ethic. To those who
adhere, he
promised an elimination of their feelings of alienation and
despair.
The apparent radicalism (the pursuit of social justice and
equality) was
only that: apparent. The New Left was morally self-indulgent. In
an
Orwellian manner, liberation became tyranny and transcendence -
irresponsibility. The "democratization" of education:
"...has neither
improved popular understanding of modern society, raised the
quality of
popular culture, nor reduced the gap between wealth and poverty,
which
remains as wide as ever. On the other hand, it has contributed
to the
decline of critical thought and the erosion of intellectual
standards,
forcing us to consider the possibility that mass education, as
conservatives have argued all along, is intrinsically
incompatible with
the maintenance of educational standards".
Lasch derided capitalism, consumerism and corporate America as
much as
he loathed the mass media, the government and even the welfare
system
(intended to deprive its clients of their moral responsibility
and
indoctrinate them as victims of social circumstance). These
always
remained the villains. But to this - classically leftist - list
he added
the New Left. He bundled the two viable alternatives in American
life
and discarded them both. Anyhow, capitalism's days were
numbered, a
contradictory system as it was, resting on "imperialism,
racism,
elitism, and inhuman acts of technological destruction".
What was left
except God and the Family?
Lasch was deeply anti-capitalist. He rounded up the usual
suspects with
the prime suspect being multinationals. To him, it wasn't only a
question of exploitation of the working masses. Capitalism acted
as acid
on the social and moral fabrics and made them disintegrate.
Lasch
adopted, at times, a theological perception of capitalism as an
evil,
demonic entity. Zeal usually leads to inconsistency of
argumentation:
Lasch claimed, for instance, that capitalism negated social and
moral
traditions while pandering to the lowest common denominator.
There is a
contradiction here: social mores and traditions are, in many
cases, THE
lowest common denominator. Lasch displayed a total lack of
understanding
of market mechanisms and the history of markets. True, markets
start out
as mass-oriented and entrepreneurs tend to mass- produce to
cater to the
needs of the newfound consumers. However, as markets evolve -
they
fragment. Individual nuances of tastes and preferences tend to
transform
the mature market from a cohesive, homogenous entity - to a
loose
coalition of niches. Computer aided design and production,
targeted
advertising, custom made products, personal services - are all
the
outcomes of the maturation of markets. It is where capitalism is
absent
that uniform mass production of goods of shoddy quality takes
over. This
may have been Lasch's biggest fault: that he persistently and
wrong-headedly ignored reality when it did not serve his pet
theorizing.
He made up his mind and did not wish to be confused by the
facts. The
facts are that all the alternatives to the known four models of
capitalism (the Anglo-Saxon, the European, the Japanese and the
Chinese)
have failed miserably and have led to the very consequences that
Lasch
warned against. in capitalism. It is in the countries of the
former
Soviet Bloc, that social solidarity has evaporated, that
traditions were
trampled upon, that religion was brutally suppressed, that
pandering to
the lowest common denominator was official policy, that poverty
-
material, intellectual and spiritual - became all pervasive,
that people
lost all self reliance and communities disintegrated.
There is nothing to excuse Lasch: the Wall fell in 1989. An
inexpensive
trip would have confronted him with the results of the
alternatives to
capitalism. That he failed to acknowledge his life-long
misconceptions
and compile the Lasch errata cum mea culpa is the sign of
deep-seated
intellectual dishonesty. The man was not interested in the
truth. In
many respects, he was a propagandist. Worse, he combined an
amateurish
understanding of the Economic Sciences with the fervor of a
fundamentalist preacher to produce an absolutely non-scientific
discourse.
Let us analyze what he regarded as the basic weakness of
capitalism (in
"The True and Only Heaven", 1991): its need to
increase capacity and
production ad infinitum in order to sustain itself. Such a
feature would
have been destructive if capitalism were to operate in a closed
system.
The finiteness of the economic sphere would have brought
capitalism to
ruin. But the world is NOT a closed economic system. 80,000,000
new
consumers are added annually, markets globalize, trade barriers
are
falling, international trade is growing three times faster than
the
world's GDP and still accounts for less than 15% of it, not to
mention
space exploration which is at its inception. The horizon is, for
all
practical purposes, unlimited. The economic system is,
therefore, open.
Capitalism will never be defeated because it has an infinite
number of
consumers and markets to colonize. That is not to say that
capitalism
will not have its crises, even crises of over-capacity. But such
crises
are a part of the business cycle not of the underlying market
mechanism.
They are adjustment pains, the noises of growing up - not the
last gasps
of dying. To claim otherwise is either to deceive or to be
spectacularly
ignorant not only of economic fundamentals but of what is
happening in
the world. It is as intellectually rigorous as the "New
Paradigm" which
says, in effect, that the business cycle and inflation are both
dead and
buried.
Lasch's argument: capitalism must forever expand if it is to
exist
(debatable) - hence the idea of "progress", an
ideological corollary of
the drive to expand - progress transforms people into insatiable
consumers (apparently, a term of abuse).
But this is to ignore the fact that people create economic
doctrines
(and reality, according to Marx) - not the reverse. In other
words, the
consumers created capitalism to help them maximize their
consumption.
History is littered with the remains of economic theories, which
did not
match the psychological makeup of the human race. There is
Marxism, for
instance. The best theorized, most intellectually rich and
well-substantiated theory must be put to the cruel test of
public
opinion and of the real conditions of existence. Barbarous
amounts of
force and coercion need to be applied to keep people functioning
under
contra-human-nature ideologies such as communism. A horde of
what
Althusser calls Ideological State Apparatuses must be put to
work to
preserve the dominion of a religion, ideology, or intellectual
theory
which do not amply respond to the needs of the individuals that
comprise
society. The Socialist (more so the Marxist and the malignant
version,
the Communist) prescriptions were eradicated because they did
not
correspond to the OBJECTIVE conditions of the world. They were
hermetically detached, and existed only in their mythical,
contradiction-free realm (to borrow again from Althusser).
Lasch commits the double intellectual crime of disposing of the
messenger AND ignoring the message: people are consumers and
there is
nothing we can do about it but try to present to them as wide an
array
as possible of goods and services. High brow and low brow have
their
place in capitalism because of the preservation of the principle
of
choice, which Lasch abhors. He presents a false predicament: he
who
elects progress elects meaninglessness and hopelessness. Is it
better -
asks Lasch sanctimoniously - to consume and live in these
psychological
conditions of misery and emptiness? The answer is self evident,
according to him. Lasch patronizingly prefers the working class
undertones commonly found in the petite bourgeois: "its
moral realism,
its understanding that everything has its price, its respect for
limits,
its skepticism about progress... sense of unlimited power
conferred by
science - the intoxicating prospect of man's conquest of the
natural
world".
The limits that Lasch is talking about are metaphysical,
theological.
Man's rebellion against God is in question. This, in Lasch's
view, is a
punishable offence. Both capitalism and science are pushing the
limits,
infused with the kind of hubris which the mythological Gods
always chose
to penalize (remember Prometheus?). What more can be said about
a man
that postulated that "the secret of happiness lies in
renouncing the
right to be happy". Some matters are better left to
psychiatrists than
to philosophers. There is megalomania, too: Lasch cannot grasp
how could
people continue to attach importance to money and other worldly
goods
and pursuits after his seminal works were published, denouncing
materialism for what it was - a hollow illusion? The conclusion:
people
are ill informed, egotistical, stupid (because they succumb to
the lure
of consumerism offered to them by politicians and corporations).
America is in an "age of diminishing expectations" (Lasch's).
Happy
people are either weak or hypocritical.
Lasch envisioned a communitarian society, one where men are self
made
and the State is gradually made redundant. This is a worthy
vision and a
vision worthy of some other era. Lasch never woke up to the
realities of
the late 20th century: mass populations concentrated in
sprawling
metropolitan areas, market failures in the provision of public
goods,
the gigantic tasks of introducing literacy and good health to
vast
swathes of the planet, an ever increasing demand for evermore
goods and
services. Small, self-help communities are not efficient enough
to
survive - though the ethical aspect is praiseworthy:
"Democracy works best when men and women do things for
themselves, with
the help of their friends and neighbors, instead of depending on
the
state."
"A misplaced compassion degrades both the victims, who are
reduced to
objects of pity, and their would-be benefactors, who find it
easier to
pity their fellow citizens than to hold them up to impersonal
standards,
attainment of which would entitle them to respect.
Unfortunately, such
statements do not tell the whole."
No wonder that Lasch has been compared to Mathew Arnold who
wrote:
"(culture) does not try to teach down to the level of
inferior classes;
...It seeks to do away with classes; to make the best that has
been
thought and known in the world current everywhere... the men of
culture
are the true apostles of equality. The great men of culture are
those
who have had a passion for diffusing, for making prevail, for
carrying
from one end of society to the other, the best knowledge, the
best ideas
of their time."
(Culture and Anarchy) - a quite elitist view.
Unfortunately, Lasch, most of the time, was no more original or
observant than the average columnist:
"The mounting evidence of widespread inefficiency and
corruption, the
decline of American productivity, the pursuit of speculative
profits at
the expense of manufacturing, the deterioration of our country's
material infrastructure, the squalid conditions in our
crime-rid- den
cities, the alarming and disgraceful growth of poverty, and the
widening
disparity between poverty and wealth . growing contempt for
manual
labor... growing gulf between wealth and poverty... the growing
insularity of the elites... growing impatience with the
constraints
imposed by long-term responsibilities and commitments."
Paradoxically, Lasch was an elitist. The very person who
attacked the
"talking classes" (the "symbolic analysts"
in Robert Reich's less
successful rendition) - freely railed against the "lowest
common
denominator". True, Lasch tried to reconcile this apparent
contradiction
by saying that diversity does not entail low standards or
selective
application of criteria. This, however, tends to undermine his
arguments
against capitalism. In his typical, anachronistic, language:
"The latest variation on this familiar theme, its reductio
ad absurdum,
is that a respect for cultural diversity forbids us to impose
the
standards of privileged groups on the victims of
oppression." This leads
to "universal incompetence" and a weakness of the
spirit:
"Impersonal virtues like fortitude, workmanship, moral
courage, honesty,
and respect for adversaries (are rejected by the champions of
diversity)... Unless we are prepared to make demands on one
another, we
can enjoy only the most rudimentary kind of common life...
(agreed
standards) are absolutely indispensable to a democratic society
(because) double standards mean second-class citizenship."
This is almost plagiarism. Allan Bloom ("The Closing of the
American
Mind"):
"(openness became trivial) ...Openness used to be the
virtue that
permitted us to seek the good by using reason. It now means
accepting
everything and denying reason's power. The unrestrained and
thoughtless
pursuit of openness . has rendered openness meaningless."
Lasch: ".moral paralysis of those who value 'openness'
above all
(democracy is more than) openness and toleration... In the
absence of
common standards... tolerance becomes indifference."
"Open Mind" becomes: "Empty Mind".
Lasch observed that America has become a culture of excuses (for
self
and the "disadvantaged"), of protected judicial turf
conquered through
litigation (a.k.a. "rights"), of neglect of
responsibilities. Free
speech is restricted by fear of offending potential audiences.
We
confuse respect (which must be earned) with toleration and
appreciation,
discriminating judgement with indiscriminate acceptance, and
turning the
blind eye. Fair and well. Political correctness has indeed
degenerated
into moral incorrectness and plain numbness.
But why is the proper exercise of democracy dependent upon the
devaluation of money and markets? Why is luxury "morally
repugnant" and
how can this be PROVEN rigorously, formal logically? Lasch does
not
opine - he informs. What he says has immediate truth-value, is
non-debatable, and intolerant. Consider this passage, which came
out of
the pen of an intellectual tyrant:
"...the difficulty of limiting the influence of wealth
suggests that
wealth itself needs to be limited... a democratic society cannot
allow
unlimited accumulation... a moral condemnation of great
wealth... backed
up with effective political action... at least a rough
approximation of
economic equality... in the old days (Americans agreed that
people
should not have) far in excess of their needs."
Lasch failed to realize that democracy and wealth formation are
two
sides of the SAME coin. That democracy is not likely to spring
forth,
nor is it likely to survive poverty or total economic equality.
The
confusion of the two ideas (material equality and political
equality) is
common: it is the result of centuries of plutocracy (only
wealthy people
had the right to vote, universal suffrage is very recent). The
great
achievement of democracy in the 20th century was to separate
these two
aspects: to combine egalitarian political access with an unequal
distribution of wealth. Still, the existence of wealth - no
matter how
distributed - is a pre-condition. Without it there will never be
real
democracy. Wealth generates the leisure needed to obtain
education and
to participate in community matters. Put differently, when one
is
hungry - one is less prone to read Mr. Lasch, less inclined to
think
about civil rights, let alone exercise them.
Mr. Lasch is authoritarian and patronizing, even when he is
strongly
trying to convince us otherwise. The use of the phrase:
"far in excess
of their needs" rings of destructive envy. Worse, it rings
of a
dictatorship, a negation of individualism, a restriction of
civil
liberties, an infringement on human rights, anti-liberalism at
its
worst. Who is to decide what is wealth, how much of it
constitutes
excess, how much is "far in excess" and, above all,
what are the needs
of the person deemed to be in excess? Which state commissariat
will do
the job? Would Mr. Lasch have volunteered to phrase the
guidelines and
if so, which criteria would he have applied? Eighty percent
(80%) of the
population of the world would have considered Mr. Lasch's wealth
to be
far in excess of his needs. Mr. Lasch is prone to inaccuracies.
Read
Alexis de Tocqueville (1835):
"I know of no country where the love of money has taken
stronger hold on
the affections of men and where a profounder contempt is
expressed for
the theory of the permanent equality of property... the passions
that
agitate the Americans most deeply are not their political but
their
commercial passions. They prefer the good sense which amasses
large
fortunes to that enterprising genius which frequently dissipates
them."
In his book: "The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of
Democracy"
(published posthumously in 1995) Lasch bemoans a divided
society, a
degraded public discourse, a social and political crisis, that
is really
a spiritual crisis.
The book's title is modeled after Jose Ortega y Gasset's
"Revolt of the
Masses" in which he described the forthcoming political
domination of
the masses as a major cultural catastrophe. The old ruling
elites were
the storehouses of all that's good, including all civic virtues,
he
explained. The masses - warned Ortega y Gasset, prophetically -
will act
directly and even outside the law in what he called a
hyperdemocracy.
They will impose themselves on the other classes. The masses
harbored a
feeling of omnipotence: they had unlimited rights, history was
on their
side (they were "the spoiled child of human history"
in his language),
they were exempt from submission to superiors because they
regarded
themselves as the source of all authority. They faced an
unlimited
horizon of possibilities and they were entitled to everything at
any
time. Their whims, wishes and desires constituted the new law of
the
earth.
Lasch just ingeniously reversed the argument. The same
characteristics,
he said, are to be found in today's elites, "those who
control the
international flow of money and information, preside over
philanthropic
foundations and institutions of higher learning, manage the
instruments
of cultural production and thus set the terms of public
debate". But
they are self appointed, they represent none but themselves. The
lower
middle classes were much more conservative and stable than their
"self
appointed spokesmen and would-be liberators". They know the
limits and
that there are limits, they have sound political instincts:
".favor limits on abortion, cling to the two-parent family
as a source
of stability in a turbulent world, resist experiments with
'alternative
lifestyles', and harbor deep reservations about affirmative
action and
other ventures in large- scale social engineering."
And who purports to represent them? The mysterious
"elite" which, as we
find out, is nothing but a code word for the likes of Lasch. In
Lasch's
world Armageddon is unleashed between the people and this
specific
elite. What about the political, military, industrial, business
and
other elites? Yok. What about conservative intellectuals who
support
what the middle classes do and "have deep reservations
about affirmative
action" (to quote him)? Aren't they part of the elite? No
answer. So why
call it "elite" and not "liberal
intellectuals"? A matter of (lack) of
integrity.
The members of this fake elite are hypochondriacs, obsessed with
death,
narcissistic and weaklings. A scientific description based on
thorough
research, no doubt.
Even if such a horror-movie elite did exist - what would have
been its
role? Did he suggest an elite-less pluralistic, modern,
technology-driven, essentially (for better or for worse)
capitalistic
democratic society? Others have dealt with this question
seriously and
sincerely: Arnold, T.S. Elliot ("Notes towards the
Definition of
Culture"). Reading Lasch is an absolute waste of time when
compared to
their studies. The man is so devoid of self-awareness (no pun
intended)
that he calls himself "a stern critic of nostalgia".
If there is one
word with which it is possible to summarize his life's work it
is
nostalgia (to a world which never existed: a world of national
and local
loyalties, almost no materialism, savage nobleness, communal
responsibility for the Other). In short, to an Utopia compared
to the
dystopia that is America. The pursuit of a career and of
specialized,
narrow, expertise, he called a "cult" and "the
antithesis of democracy".
Yet, he was a member of the "elite" which he so
chastised and the
publication of his tirades enlisted the work of hundreds of
careerists
and experts. He extolled self-reliance - but ignored the fact
that it
was often employed in the service of wealth formation and
material
accumulation. Were there two kinds of self-reliance - one to be
condemned because of its results? Was there any human activity
devoid of
a dimension of wealth creation? Therefore, are all human
activities
(except those required for survival) to cease?
Lasch identified emerging elites of professionals and managers,
a
cognitive elite, manipulators of symbols, a threat to
"real" democracy.
Reich described them as trafficking in information, manipulating
words
and numbers for a living. They live in an abstract world in
which
information and expertise are valuable commodities in an
international
market. No wonder the privileged classes are more interested in
the fate
of the global system than in their neighborhood, country, or
region.
They are estranged, they "remove themselves from common
life". They are
heavily invested in social mobility. The new meritocracy made
professional advancement and the freedom to make money "the
overriding
goal of social policy". They are fixated on finding
opportunities and
they democratize competence. This, said Lasch, betrayed the
American
dream!?:
"The reign of specialized expertise is the antithesis of
democracy as it
was understood by those who saw this country as 'The last best
hope of
Earth'."
For Lasch citizenship did not mean equal access to economic
competition.
It meant a shared participation in a common political dialogue
(in a
common life). The goal of escaping the "laboring
classes" was
deplorable. The real aim should be to ground the values and
institutions
of democracy in the inventiveness, industry, self-reliance and
self-respect of workers. The "talking classes" brought
the public
discourse into decline. Instead of intelligently debating
issues, they
engaged in ideological battles, dogmatic quarrels, name-calling.
The
debate grew less public, more esoteric and insular. There are no
"third
places", civic institutions which "promote general
conversation across
class lines". So, social classes are forced to "speak
to themselves in a
dialect... inaccessible to outsiders". The media
establishment is more
committed to "a misguided ideal of objectivity" than
to context and
continuity, which underlie any meaningful public discourse.
The spiritual crisis was another matter altogether. This was
simply the
result of over-secularization. The secular worldview is devoid
of doubts
and insecurities, explained Lasch. Thus, single-handedly, he
eliminated
modern science, which is driven by constant doubts, insecurities
and
questioning and by an utter lack of respect for authority,
transcendental as it may be. With amazing gall, Lasch says that
it was
religion which provided a home for spiritual uncertainties!!!
Religion - writes Lasch - was a source of higher meaning, a
repository
of practical moral wisdom. Minor matters such as the suspension
of
curiosity, doubt and disbelief entailed by religious practice
and the
blood-saturated history of all religions - these are not
mentioned. Why
spoil a good argument?
The new elites disdain religion and are hostile to it:
"The culture of criticism is understood to rule out
religious
commitments... (religion) was something useful for weddings and
funerals
but otherwise dispensable."
Without the benefit of a higher ethic provided by religion (for
which
the price of suppression of free thought is paid - SV) - the
knowledge
elites resort to cynicism and revert to irreverence.
"The collapse of religion, its replacement by the
remorselessly critical
sensibility exemplified by psychoanalysis and the degeneration
of the
'analytic attitude' into an all out assault on ideals of every
kind have
left our culture in a sorry state."
Lasch was a fanatic religious man. He would have rejected this
title
with vehemence. But he was the worst type: unable to commit
himself to
the practice while advocating its employment by others. If you
asked him
why was religion good, he would have waxed on concerning its
good
RESULTS. He said nothing about the inherent nature of religion,
its
tenets, its view of Mankind's destiny, or anything else of
substance.
Lasch was a social engineer of the derided Marxist type: if it
works, if
it molds the masses, if it keeps them "in limits",
subservient - use it.
Religion worked wonders in this respect. But Lasch himself was
above his
own laws - he even made it a point not to write God with a
capital "G",
an act of outstanding "courage". Schiller wrote about
the
"disenchantment of the world", the disillusionment
which accompanies
secularism - a real sign of true courage, according to
Nietzsche.
Religion is a powerful weapon in the arsenal of those who want
to make
people feel good about themselves, their lives and the world, in
general. Not so Lasch:
".the spiritual discipline against self-righteousness is
the very
essence of religion... (anyone with) a proper understanding of
religion.
(would not regard it as) a source of intellectual and emotional
security
(but as) ...a challenge to complacency and pride."
There is no hope or consolation even in religion. It is good
only for
the purposes of social engineering.
OTHER WORKS
In this particular respect, Lasch has undergone a major
transformation.
In "The New Radicalism in America" (1965), he decried
religion as a
source of obfuscation.
"The religious roots of the progressive doctrine" - he
wrote - were the
source of "its main weakness". These roots fostered an
anti-intellectual
willingness to use education "as a means of social
control" rather than
as a basis for enlightenment. The solution was to blend Marxism
and the
analytic method of Psychoanalysis (very much as Herbert Marcuse
has
done - q.v. "Eros and Civilization" and "One
Dimensional Man").
In an earlier work ("American Liberals and the Russian
Revolution",
1962) he criticized liberalism for seeking "painless
progress towards
the celestial city of consumerism". He questioned the
assumption that
"men and women wish only to enjoy life with minimum
effort". The liberal
illusions about the Revolution were based on a theological
misconception. Communism remained irresistible for "as long
as they
clung to the dream of an earthly paradise from which doubt was
forever
banished".
In 1973, a mere decade later, the tone is different ("The
World of
Nations", 1973). The assimilation of the Mormons, he says,
was "achieved
by sacrificing whatever features of their doctrine or ritual
were
demanding or difficult... (like) the conception of a secular
community
organized in accordance with religious principles".
The wheel turned a full cycle in 1991 ("The True and Only
Heaven:
Progress and its Critics"). The petite bourgeois at least
are "unlikely
to mistake the promised land of progress for the true and only
heaven".
In "Heaven in a Heartless world" (1977) Lasch
criticized the
"substitution of medical and psychiatric authority for the
authority of
parents, priests and lawgivers". The Progressives, he
complained,
identify social control with freedom. It is the traditional
family - not
the socialist revolution - which provides the best hope to
arrest "new
forms of domination". There is latent strength in the
family and in its
"old fashioned middle class morality". Thus, the
decline of the family
institution meant the decline of romantic love (!?) and of
"transcendent
ideas in general", a typical Laschian leap of logic.
Even art and religion ("The Culture of Narcissism",
1979), "historically
the great emancipators from the prison of the Self... even
sex... (lost)
the power to provide an imaginative release".
It was Schopenhauer who wrote that art is a liberating force,
delivering
us from our miserable, decrepit, dilapidated Selves and
transforming our
conditions of existence. Lasch - forever a melancholy - adopted
this
view enthusiastically. He supported the suicidal pessimism of
Schopenhauer. But he was also wrong. Never before was there an
art form
more liberating than the cinema, THE art of illusion. The
Internet
introduced a transcendental dimension into the lives of all its
users.
Why is it that transcendental entities must be white-bearded,
paternal
and authoritarian? What is less transcendental in the Global
Village, in
the Information Highway or, for that matter, in Steven
Spielberg?
The Left, thundered Lasch, had "chosen the wrong side in
the cultural
warfare between 'Middle America' and the educated or half
educated
classes, which have absorbed avant-garde ideas only to put them
at the
service of consumer capitalism".
In "The Minimal Self" (1984) the insights of
traditional religion
remained vital as opposed to the waning moral and intellectual
authority
of Marx, Freud and the like. The meaningfulness of mere survival
is
questioned: "Self affirmation remains a possibility
precisely to the
degree that an older conception of personality, rooted in
Judeo-Christian traditions, has persisted alongside a behavioral
or
therapeutic conception". "Democratic Renewal"
will be made possible
through this mode of self- affirmation. The world was rendered
meaningless by experiences such as Auschwitz, a "survival
ethic" was the
unwelcome result. But, to Lasch, Auschwitz offered "the
need for a
renewal of religious faith... for collective commitment to
decent social
conditions... (the survivors) found strength in the revealed
word of an
absolute, objective and omnipotent creator... not in personal
'values'
meaningful only to themselves". One can't help being
fascinated by the
total disregard for facts displayed by Lasch, flying in the face
of
logotherapy and the writings of Victor Frankel, the Auschwitz
survivor.
"In the history of civilization... vindictive gods give way
to gods who
show mercy as well and uphold the morality of loving your enemy.
Such a
morality has never achieved anything like general popularity,
but it
lives on, even in our own, enlightened age, as a reminder both
of our
fallen state and of our surprising capacity for gratitude,
remorse and
forgiveness by means of which we now and then transcend
it."
He goes on to criticize the kind of "progress" whose
culmination is a
"vision of men and women released from outward
constraints". Endorsing
the legacies of Jonathan Edwards, Orestes Brownson, Ralph Waldo
Emerson,
Thomas Carlyle, William James, Reinhold Niebuhr and, above all,
Martin
Luther King, he postulated an alternative tradition, "The
Heroic
Conception of Life" (an admixture of Brownson's Catholic
Radicalism and
early republican lore): "...a suspicion that life was not
worth living
unless it was lived with ardour, energy and devotion".
A truly democratic society will incorporate diversity and a
shared
commitment to it - but not as a goal unto itself. Rather as
means to a
"demanding, morally elevating standard of conduct". In
sum: "Political
pressure for a more equitable distribution of wealth can come
only from
movements fired with religious purpose and a lofty conception of
life".
The alternative, progressive optimism, cannot withstand
adversity: "The
disposition properly described as hope, trust or wonder... three
names
for the same state of heart and mind - asserts the goodness of
life in
the face of its limits. It cannot be deflated by
adversity". This
disposition is brought about by religious ideas (which the
Progressives
discarded):
"The power and majesty of the sovereign creator of life,
the
inescapability of evil in the form of natural limits on human
freedom,
the sinfulness of man's rebellion against those limits; the
moral value
of work which once signifies man's submission to necessity and
enables
him to transcend it..."
Martin Luther King was a great man because "(He) also spoke
the language
of his own people (in addition to addressing the whole nation -
SV),
which incorporated their experience of hardship and
exploitation, yet
affirmed the rightness of a world full of unmerited hardship...
(he drew
strength from) a popular religious tradition whose mixture of
hope and
fatalism was quite alien to liberalism".
Lasch said that this was the First deadly Sin of the civil
rights
movement. It insisted that racial issues be tackled "with
arguments
drawn from modern sociology and from the scientific refutation
of social
porejudice" - and not on moral (read: religious) grounds.
So, what is left to provide us with guidance? Opinion polls.
Lasch
failed to explain to us why he demonized this particular
phenomenon.
Polls are mirrors and the conduct of polls is an indication that
the
public (whose opinion is polled) is trying to get to know itself
better.
Polls are an attempt at quantified, statistical self-awareness
(nor are
they a modern phenomenon). Lasch should have been happy: at last
proof
that Americans adopted his views and decided to know themselves.
To have
criticized this particular instrument of "know
thyself" implied that
Lasch believed that he had privileged access to more information
of
superior quality or that he believed that his observations tower
over
the opinions of thousands of respondents and carry more weight.
A
trained observer would never have succumbed to such vanity.
There is a
fine line between vanity and oppression, fanaticism and the
grief that
is inflicted upon those that are subjected to it.
This is Lasch's greatest error: there is an abyss between
narcissism and
self love, being interested in oneself and being obsessively
preoccupied
with oneself. Lasch confuses the two. The price of progress is
growing
self-awareness and with it growing pains and the pains of
growing up. It
is not a loss of meaning and hope - it is just that pain has a
tendency
to push everything to the background. Those are constructive
pains,
signs of adjustment and adaptation, of evolution. America has no
inflated, megalomaniac, grandiose ego. It never built an
overseas
empire, it is made of dozens of ethnic immigrant groups, it
strives to
learn, to emulate. Americans do not lack empathy - they are the
foremost
nation of volunteers and also professes the biggest number of
(tax
deductible) donation makers. Americans are not exploitative -
they are
hard workers, fair players, Adam Smith-ian egoists. They believe
in Live
and Let Live. They are individualists and they believe that the
individual is the source of all authority and the universal
yardstick
and benchmark. This is a positive philosophy. Granted, it led to
inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth. But then
other
ideologies had much worse outcomes. Luckily, they were defeated
by the
human spirit, the best manifestation of which is still
democratic
capitalism.
The clinical term "Narcissism" was abused by Lasch in
his books. It
joined other words mistreated by this social preacher. The
respect that
this man gained in his lifetime (as a social scientist and
historian of
culture) makes one wonder whether he was right in criticizing
the
shallowness and lack of intellectual rigor of American society
and of
its elites.
Sam
Vaknin is the author of "Malignant
Self Love - Narcissism Revisited" and "After
the Rain - How the West Lost the East".
He is a columnist in "Central Europe Review", United
Press International
(UPI) and InternetContent.net and the editor of mental health
and Central East Europe categories in The Open Directory, Suite101,
Go.com and searcheurope.com.
He is the Economic Advisor to the Government of Macedonia.
His web site: http://samvak.tripod.com